QUOTE(GG @ Jan 20 2006, 11:53 AM)
Yes, you are correct on this. That's why IMO, that Specter is calling for an investigation. This is a battle between executive powers & congressional powers. There was a reason that Bush signed every order to snoop, because the admin's interpretation is that he is exercising his executive privilege in military surveilance.
The key issue is the declaration of war. At this point, it is very ambiguous that the executive powers ion question can only be invoked in an official declaration of war by Congress. Certainly, history dictates that many military actions equivalent to a war have taken place without a formal declaration of war. Which begets the natural question of how does one actually declare an official war on AQ?
And as per above, the existing laws have not been properly updated to deal with declaring war on non-nation states. I think that it's perfectly reasonable to assume that Congressional approval to use force to combat AQ, is as close to a declaration of war on this non legal entity, which in turn would invoke executive privilege to conduct military surveilance without a warrant.
When and if this thing ends up at SCOTUS, I don't see FISA standing up.
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I've since done just a bit of research, nothing huge, but some. A good thing to read on this is the report of the Congressional Research Service which you can check out
here.
You have to remember that you start off with the Fourth Amendment which is very clear:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.Electronic surveillance is considered to be a "search" so it applies to the NSA taps. You can't get much clearer than "shall not be violtated" or "no warrants shall issue".
In 1972, the supreme court rejected the argument that domestic security requirements were an exception to the warrant requirement:
"These Fourth Amendment freedoms cannot properly be guaranteed if domestic security surveillances may be conducted solely within the discretion of the Executive Branch..."
Accordingly, there had to be prior judicial approval, ie, a warrant. That was the case anyway prior to FISA. It may be that the real constitutional problem with FISA is not that it is an impermissible encroachment upon one branch's power by another but that it practically amends the Constitution by altering the applicability of the Fourth Amendment. Congress can't amend the Constitution by any procedure other than that established for a Constituional Amendment.
As for the separation of powers, both the congress and the President have constitutionally allocated powers that arguably include control over surveillance. Too many people seem to assum that because the President is Commander in Chief that he must also have in his hands all of the various war powers and that the Congress has none of those powers. Congressional powers related to national security include:
The Constitution specifically gives to Congress the power to “provide for the common Defence,” 11 U.S. CONST. Art. I, § 8, cl. 1; to “declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water,” id. § 8, cl. 11; “To raise and support Armies,” and “To provide and maintain a Navy,” id. § 8, cls. 12-13; “To make Rules for the Government and
Regulation of the land and naval Forces,” id. § 8, cl. 14, “To declare War,” id. § 8, cl. 1; and to “make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.”
The President's power is simply to act as the C-n-C and to enforce the laws.
I could go on but clearly, if you read that report, this is a seriously important issue and if it becomes a case, it will bo one of the most important constitutional questions addressed by the court in a long time.